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The Norman invasion of Ireland or Anglo-Norman invasion refers to the intervention of mainly English or Anglo-Norman troops in Ireland in the last quarter of the twelfth century. Although popularly dated to 1169, the first mercenaries arrived in Ireland in 1167 at the request of Diarmait Mac Murchada, the ousted King of Leinster, whom had sought their help in regaining his kingdom. On October 18, 1171, Henry II landed a much bigger army in Waterford to ensure his continuing control over the men recruited from his realm. In the process he took Dublin and had accepted the fealty of several Gaelic kings and bishops by 1172, so creating the Lordship of Ireland that formed part of his Angevin Empire.

Early Norman designs and contacts[edit]

It is thought that the Norse-Irish Dublin-Leinster army in the 1014 battle of Clontarf may have included troops from the Duchy of Normandy.[1]

In the aftermath of the Norman conquest of England in 1066, the Normans had become aware of the role Ireland played in providing refuge and assistance to their enemies.[2] They also contemplated the conquest of Ireland.[3] It is recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle that if William the Conqueror had lived two more years (until 1089) that "he would have conquered Ireland by his prudence and without any weapons".[3][4]

William's son, William II, is stated as having said "For the conquest of this land, I will gather all the ships of my kingdom, and will make of them a bridge to cross over".[3]

Contacts between the Irish and Normans were already established well before 1169. The Norman lord of Pembroke, Arnulf de Montgomery (d. 1118-22), was the son-in-law of Murtough O'Brien (d. 1119), king of Munster and High King of Ireland.[3] De Montgomery and his family had rebelled against the ascension of Henry I in 1100 and sought Irish aid. De Montgomery married O'Brien's daughter and obtained the assistance of his fleet, however he was still forced to flee to Ireland in 1102. Orderic Vitalis' account of De Montgomery has him using his troops to aid O'Brien in Ireland and hoping to succeed his father-in-law as king, however having to retreat after his hosts turned against him. William of Malmesbury states that it was only after the Normans imposed a trade embargo on Ireland that the situation died down and the O'Brien-de Montgomery alliance ended.[5]

Norman-Irish alliance[edit]

From at least 1144 Dermot MacMurrough had been on good terms with the future Henry II. With the death of David I of Scotland in May 1153, Henry II after his ascension to the throne of England in December 1154 had allied with Somerled, Lord of Argyll, and Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn, king of the Cenél nEógain, to put pressure on the new king of Scotland, Malcolm IV.[6] The fruits of this alliance saw Malcolm cede parts of Scotland to England in 1157 and make peace with Somerled in 1160. In Ireland Mac Lochlainn invaded the kingdom of Breifne, forced the submission Rory O'Connor, king of Connacht, and in 1161 gave MacMurrough eastern Meath.[6]

In 1165 the fleet of Dublin, which was under the control of Dermot MacMurrough, king of Leinster, for six months was used to aid Henry II's forces in an abortive campaign in north Wales.[3][6]

Role of the church[edit]

At the Synod of Kells in 1152, the church of Canterbury had its claims to primacy over the Irish church dismissed by Pope Eugenius III who felt the Irish church could handle its own affairs. This did not go down well with the Anglo-Norman clergy.[7] In 1155 at the Roman Curia, John of Salisbury, who was good friends with the recently elected Anglo-Norman Pope Adrian IV, made an "extraordinary intervention" in regards to Norman involvement in Ireland.[7] This resulted in the Papal bull Laudabiliter, or an equivalent, where Henry II received Papal authority for intervening in Ireland.[8] Salisbury had been inspired in his views on the Irish by the "Life of Malachy", written by Malachy's friend, Bernard of Clairvaux. This hagiography, written within a year of Malachy's death in 1148, depicted in overly exaggerated terms the Irish as barbaric, semi-pagan and in need of reform, resulting in this becoming the predominant opinion in Europe.[8]

Henry II raised a proposal in 1155, strongly backed by the Anglo-Norman clergy, with his advisors for making Ireland a provision for his brother William.[3][7] His mother, Empress Matilda, however disapproved of the idea and it came to nothing.[7]

Strongbow[edit]

Richard de Clare, otherwise known as Richard FitzGilbert and Strongbow, became the Earl of Pembroke after his fathers death in 1148, however was deprived of it in 1154 after the ascension of Henry II to the throne of England.[9] This was because Strongbow had taken the side of Stephen, King of England, against Henry II's mother Empress Matilda during The Anarchy.[10]

Arrival of the Normans[edit]

The traditional date for the arrival of the Normans is 1169, however this is due to Gerald of Wales dating it to the arrival of his uncle, Robert FitzStephen. In reality the Normans had arrived with MacMurrough in the autumn of 1167.[11] Initially the Normans had come from the south Wales region and included people of mixed ethnic backgrounds.[11] Only by August 1170 when Richard de Clare arrived with a contingent of followers from his estates in south Wales and England, did the make up of the Norman's in Ireland become evidently more English.[11]

Henry II in Ireland[edit]

Henry II arrived in Ireland in October 1171 at the head of a large military expedition. He stayed for six-months in which time he never ventured beyond Leinster, nor used his forces against the Irish.[11] Henry ensured during this time that de Clare acknowledged him as lord of Leinster, and also granted de Lacy the kingdom of Meath if he could take it.[11] A substantial number of Irish kings came forth willingly to volunteer their submission to him.[11] Henry's timing was influenced by several factors, including encouragement from Pope Alexander, who saw the opportunity to establish papal authority over the Irish church.[12]

Strongbow had hoped that he would be restored to his family's earldom of Pembroke, however Henry only recognised him as lord of Leinster and earl of Strigoil.[9]

Henry appropriated the coastal port towns belonging to the Hiberno-Norse and granted the city of Dublin to the men of Bristol who already had a long history of trade with the city. These appear to show Henry's desire to exploit the Hiberno-Norse economic resources.[11]

The Irish church also was willing to endorse his arrival in Ireland, believing it would end the intense disputes over the High Kingship and bring greater political stability to the island.[11]

The aftermath of Henry II's arrival in Ireland resulted in him becoming Lord of Ireland, with its land becoming invested in the English crown. With this came a mass migration of English peasantry to Ireland and with it English buildings, institutions, law, and the manorial economy.[3]

Synod of Cashel[edit]

In 1171 Henry II convened the Synod of Cashel where the Irish clergy acknowledged him as their "temporal overlord". This acceptance was encouraged by their realisation that the Gregorian Reforms were not compatible with Gaelic society in general and that there was an urgent need for disciplinary reform amongst the people.[8]

Treaty of Windsor, 1175[edit]

On 6th October 1175 Henry II and Rory O'Connor, king of Connacht, who aspired to the High Kingship, came to an arrangement known as the Treaty of Windsor.[11][13]

O'Connor had failed to submit to Henry in his 1171 expedition, however as part of the treaty he acknowledged him as his overlord and in return was acknowledged as king of Connacht.[11][13] The treaty also saw Ireland divided into different sphere's of influence.[11] Meath, Leinster and the cities of Dublin, Waterford and Wexford were reserved to Henry, whilst O'Connor was given overlordship over the rest of Ireland, which was on the condition that he paid Henry one-tenth of all cattle tribute Rory might extract.[13]

The treaty proved hard to enforce as some Norman adventurer's ignored it and Henry failed to prevent them. Likewise O'Connor failed to wield effective control over the rest of Ireland.[13] One example of treaty violation is that of John de Courcy who invaded and conquered the Irish kingdom of Ulaid in 1177, which would eventually become the Earldom of Ulster.[11][13]

That same year, Henry II altered the treaty so that his fourth son John was declared lord of Ireland.[11] This was possibly so that Ireland would descend as a cadet kingdom sub-ordinate to England.[3] When John came of age he also would ensure greater control over the Norman colonists.[11] A crown was even sent to the pope to formalise an Irish monarchy, but never came into being.[3]

Norman consolidation and expansion[edit]

Strongbow to ensure his settlement in Leinster continued to wage war until he died in 1176.[9]

In late January 1177, John de Courcy against the command of the king's representative in Ireland, William FitzAldelm, took a force consisting of 22 knights and 300 followers northwards to the Irish kingdom of Ulaid. After several battles he displaced the ruling MacDonlevy dynasty and conquered the kingdom.[14] It is said that de Courcy's invasion was aided by Irishmen.[15]

According to the Irish annals in 1177 the Normans had also seized Cork and sacked it.[16]

Henry II died in 1189 and was succeeded by his son Richard I. That year Strongbow's sole remaining successor, Isabella de Clare, married William Marshal who thus succeeded as lord of Leinster, and ironically was made earl of Pembroke in 1199.[17] This brought Leinster under control of the most powerful noble family in the first half of the 13th-century in the British Isles.[18] Richard I would also die that year resulting in the ascension of his brother John, lord of Ireland, to the English throne.

John in Ireland[edit]

In 1185 prince John came of age and traveled to Ireland to assume his role as Lord of Ireland, however returned after nine months. During his time in Ireland he failed to assert control over Norman and Irish alike, suffering several defeats at the hands of the Irish.[19] John however as lord of Ireland managed to increase the size of his lands there,[20] and appointed de Courcy as the first Justiciar, or chief governor, of Ireland.[21]

Likewise his entourage were given grants of land, this included a speculative grant of the kingdom of Thomond to: Theobald Walter,[11] ancestor of the Butler dynasty;[22] his uncle Ranulf de Glanvill; William de Burgh, ancestor of the De Burgh dynasty; and Philip of Worcester. This grant was equivalent to five and a half baronies. Donnell O'Brien, king of Thomond strongly resisted the intrusion.[22]

In 1189 John made Cork a royal borough.[16]

By 1199 all of John's brothers had died meaning he had now unexpectedly become king of England,[11] thus vesting the lordship back into the English kingship.[3] He drew on Ireland for resources to fight his war with Philip II of France on the continent,[23] and manipulated both his Norman and Irish subjects so that he could continue to expand his personal wealth and power.[24]

His failures in the war with France resulted in the loss of the Duchy of Normandy in 1204 and a further loss of almost all the continental lands of the Angevin Empire. This drastically changed the relationship between Ireland and England. England now became the center of the Angevin sphere of influence, and where Ireland had been but one semi-independent territory within a once large Angevin domain, it was now seen as an annex of England, more resembling a colony.[11]

John returned to Ireland in 1210,[11] the last time an English king would visit Ireland until Richard II in 1394.[25] This time John was more successful in asserting his control and is said to have brought with him "the laws of England",[11] issuing a new charter to order colonist compliance with English laws and customs in Ireland.[26] It is possible that he may have extended it to the Irish as well had the baronial revolt in England not started.[27] This revolt led to John signing the Magna Carta in 1125 tempering the successes he had had in Ireland,[11] however his failure to abide by it led to the First Barons' War.

Cultural and economic impact[edit]

The arrival of the Normans altered the agricultural landscape of Ireland. Elements that appear afterwards include: large-scale hay-making;[28] cultivated pears and cherries;[28] larger white-fleeced breeds of sheep;[28] and the introduction of various animals such as rabbits, perch, pike and carp.[28]

Another economic impact was the widespread usage of coinage, originally introduced by the Vikings. In the late 1180s during John's lordship the first Norman coins in Ireland were minted. Other mints operated in the major towns, with De Courcy in Ulster even minting coins in his own name.[29]

Whether as a direct consequence of the arrival of the Normans or not, the commoner's independence decreased in both Norman and Gaelic controlled areas. Where once they could serve more than one lord or even transfer from one lord to another, they were now unfree tenant's bound to the land.[28]

The Normans also instigated the widespread building of castles by aristocrats, a key component of the feudal system they brought to Ireland, and round towers. From 1169 until the mid-fourteenth century castles were mostly associated with Norman lordships,[29] and formed the basis of new settlements.[29] Not until after 1205, during the reign of king John, was a royal castle built in Ireland.[29]

De Courcy who had conquered Ulaid instigated a large-scale program of ecclesiastic patronage from 1179. This included the building of new abbeys and priories. He formally reburied in Downpatrick the recently "found" bodies of three prominent Irish saints, Patrick, Brigit and Columba, as well as commissioned as a "Life of Patrick".[30]

Whilst some Irish kings had charters recording transactions to monastic foundations prior to the arrival of the Normans, charters for all land transactions would become commonplace.[31]

Whilst elements of English Common Law had been used by some of the colonists, a charter drawn up by John in 1210 introduced the principle of it being applied to Ireland.[32]

In 1197 the Normans would advance as far north as Derry in the north-west of Ireland.[33]

Inter-Norman feuding and Irish alliances[edit]

The Normans in Ireland in the years after their arrival developed competing rivalries amongst themselves in the desire for land, resulting in the manipulation of the "factious Gaelic political system". This saw them back Gaelic lords competing with those allied to their rivals. Despite a king in this time being seen as symbol of justice and arbiter, Henry II seems to have unofficially adopted a system of promoting inter-Norman rivalry, possibly as a means to rein in the power of his sub-ordinates in Ireland so they posed him no threat whilst he was occupied with continental European affairs.[34]

This was exemplified in 1172 by Henry II's granting of the Irish kingdom of Meath to Hugh I de Lacy to counterbalance Strongbow's domain in Leinster.[34] De Lacy however had to seize it for himself, though his grant was not recongised by Tiernan O'Rourke, king of Breifne, and after stalled negotiations which saw an attempt to kill de Lacy, O'Rourke was killed.

During lord John's revolt against his brother Richard I between 1193 to 1194, the Normans in Ireland were divided upon their allegiance. De Courcy, Walter de Lacy, Lord of Meath, along with Cathal Crobderg O'Connor, king of Connacht, who remained loyal to the king joined forces against William de Burgh.[15] Despite de Courcy and Hugh II de Lacy of Meath combining to invade Connacht on behalf of O'Connor in 1200, de Courcy and de Lacy would become enemies and after several battles saw de Lacy granted de Courcy's possessions in Ulster. De Courcy rebelled and took refuge in the Irish kingdom of Tyrone.[15] In 1196, de Courcy and Niall MacMahon of Oriel attacked English Uriel. A year later Irishmen assisted de Courcy in wasting the north-west after his brother had been killed by an Irishman in his company.[15]

Terminology[edit]

The description of the arrival of the Normans as an invasion is disputed. The initial Norman's to arrive in Ireland were mercenaries in the employment of MacMurrough, and fought with him until his death in 1171.[11] Historian F. X. Martin stated that the lack of an invasion resulted in the Gaelic Irish church maintaining its anomalies until the seventeenth-century.[8]

In contemporary or near-contemporary sources, the invaders are overwhelmingly described as English.[35] For example, Expugnatio Hibernica almost always describes them as English; so too does the Song of Dermot and the Earl, a source which uses the term "English" about eighty times, whilst using "French", "Flemings", and "Normans" in only one particular line.[36] Despite the modern employment of terms such as "Normans", "Anglo-Normans"[37] (itself an eighteenth-century construct),[38] and "Cambro-Normans", contemporary sources virtually never use "Norman" in an Irish context.[37] Irish sources usually describe the men as "foreigners" and "grey foreigners", or else as Saxain ("Saxons" or "English").[39] In consequence, it is apparent that contemporaries regarded the incomers as English.[40] In the nineteenth century, however, during a period of intense and sensitive political debate, the term was dropped by historians and replaced with ahistorical terms.[41] Even amongst modern historians there is still a reluctance to use "English".[42]

Bibliography[edit]

  • Duffy, Sean. Medieval Ireland An Encyclopedia.
  • S.J. Connolly, ed. (2007). Oxford Companion to Irish History. ISBN 978-0-19-923483-7.
  • Duffy, Sean (2014). Brian Boru and the Battle of Clontarf. ISBN 978-0-7171-6207-9.
  • Warren, W. L. (2000). Henry II. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-08474-0.
  • Moody, Theodore William; Cosgrove, Art; Byrne, Francis John; Martin, Francis X., eds. (2008). A New History of Ireland, Volume II: Medieval Ireland 1169-1534. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199539703.

References[edit]

  1. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 92.
  2. ^ Duffy (2014), p. 259.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Duffy (2005), pp. 15-16.
  4. ^ Duffy (2014), p. 260.
  5. ^ Duffy (2014), p. 263.
  6. ^ a b c Cite error: The named reference ANHOIpg62 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  7. ^ a b c d Martin, pp. 56-7.
  8. ^ a b c d Martin, pp. 58-9.
  9. ^ a b c Connolly, p. 556.
  10. ^ Cite error: The named reference ANHOIpg65 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Duffy (2005), pp. 17-18.
  12. ^ Bull, p. 124; Warren, p. 197.
  13. ^ a b c d e Connolly, p. 624.
  14. ^ Cite error: The named reference DuffyPg107 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  15. ^ a b c d Cite error: The named reference DuffyPg109 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  16. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference DuffyPg106 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  17. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 556.
  18. ^ Connolly, p. 366.
  19. ^ Cite error: The named reference DuffyPgGETPAGE was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  20. ^ Carpenter (2004), pp. 278–279.
  21. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 77.
  22. ^ a b Duffy (2005), p. 58.
  23. ^ Carpenter (2004), p. 278.
  24. ^ Carpenter (2004), p. 278.
  25. ^ Connolly, p. 512.
  26. ^ Carpenter (2004), pp. 280–281.
  27. ^ Carpenter (2004), p. 282; Duffy, pp. 242–243.
  28. ^ a b c d e Duffy (2005), pp. 7-9.
  29. ^ a b c d Duffy (2005), pp. 66-68.
  30. ^ Cite error: The named reference DuffyPg108 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  31. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 776.
  32. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 101.
  33. ^ Duffy (2005), p. 123.
  34. ^ a b Duffy (2005), p. 161.
  35. ^ Bartlett (2010) p. 34; Flanagan (2005) pp. 17–18; Gillingham (2000) pp. 151–153.
  36. ^ Gillingham (2000) pp. 151–154.
  37. ^ a b Bartlett (2010) p. 34; Flanagan (2005) pp. 17–18; Gillingham (2000) pp. 151–155, 152 n. 36.
  38. ^ Bartlett (2010) p. 34; Gillingham (2000) p. vx.
  39. ^ Bartlett (2010) p. 34; Flanagan (2005) pp. 17–18; Gillingham (2000) pp. 152–153.
  40. ^ Flanagan (2005) pp. 17–18; Gillingham (2000) pp. 152–153.
  41. ^ Bartlett (2010) p. 34; Gillingham (2000) p. 153.
  42. ^ Gillingham (2000) pp. 153 n. 45, 157–158, 157 n. 62.

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