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Introduction[edit]

Nguyen Ngoc Bich 1931, student at École polytechnique.
Nguyen Ngoc Bich, circa 1933, student at École polytechnique.

Nguyễn Ngọc Bích (1911–1966) was a French-educated engineer, a Vietnamese resistance fighter against the French colonists,[1]:850. NOTE N.psq1 a French-educated medical doctor, an intellectual and politician, who proposed an alternative viewpoint to avoid the high-casualty, high-cost war between North Vietnam and South Vietnam.[2]

The Nguyen-Ngoc-Bich street in the city of Cần Thơ, Vietnam, was named after him to honor and commemorate his feats (of sabotaging bridges to slow down the colonial French-army advances) and heroism (being on the French most-wanted list,[3]:122 imprisoned, subjected to an "intensive and unpleasant interrogation"[3]:122 that left a mark on his forehead,N.bi and exiled) during the First Indochina War.

Upon graduating from the École polytechnique (engineering military school under the French Ministry of Armed Forces) and then from the École nationale des ponts et chaussées (civil engineering) in France in 1935,[4] Dr. Bich returned to Vietnam to work for the French colonial government. After World War II, in 1945, he joined the Viet-Minh,N.bvm and became a senior commander in the Vietnamese resistance movement, and insisted on fighting for Vietnam's independence, not for communism.

SuspectingN.bs of being betrayed by the Communist factionN.bs of the Viet-Minh and apprehended by the French forces, he was saved from execution by a campaign for amnesty by his École polytechnique classmates based in Vietnam, mostly high-level officers of the French army,[5]: 299 and was subsequently exiled to France, where he founded with friends and managed the Vietnamese publishing house Minh Tan (in Paris), which published many important works for the Vietnamese literature.N.mbl In parallel, he studied medicine and became a medical doctor. He was highly regarded in Vietnamese politics, and was suggested by the French in 1954 as an alternative to Ngo Dinh Diem as the sixth prime minister of the State of Vietnam under the former Emperor Bao Dai as Head of State,[6]:84 who selected Ngo Dinh Diem as prime minister. While Bich's candidature for the 1961 presidential election in opposition to Diem was, however, declared invalid by the Saigon authorities at the last moment for "technical reasons",[7][4], he was "regarded by many as a possible successor to President Ngo Dinh Diem".[7] N.pi, N.tcq

A large majority of the information in this article came from the master document Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911–1966): A Biography,[8] which contains even more information, including primary-source evidence and photos, than presented here.

Important historical events that affected Bich's adult life, together with those mentioned in his 1962 paper (e.g., failed agrarian reform, napalm bombs, famine, conquest for rice, etc.) are summarized, in particular the atmosphere in which Bich had lived for ten years working for the French colonialists (from 1935 to 1945), and the historical conditions that drove this French-educated engineer to become a "Francophile anticolonialist"N.fa1, N.psq2 and to join the Viet Minh in 1945N.bvm (e.g., the French brutal repressions in 1940 and 1945, the power vacuum after the Japanese coup de force in 1945, Ho Chi Minh's call for a general uprising from Tân Trào, the 1945 August Revolution, the Black Sunday on 1945 Sep 2 in Saigon, etc.). The key principle is to summarize a historical event only when it was directly related to Bich's activities. Care is exercised in selecting references and quotations that complement, but not duplicate, other Wikipedia articles at the time of this writing. For example, the history and the general use of napalm bombs, which Bich mentioned in his 1962 article, are not summarized. Regarding the French using American-made napalm bombs in the First Indochina War, well-known battlesN.nb are also not summarized.

First Indochina War[edit]

The broader historic events of World War II and the First Indochina War---specifically, the short interwar period between end of the former and the beginning of the later—led to the context in which Nguyen Ngoc Bich fought the French colonists until he was captured. The activities directly or indirectly affected Bich's life by four historic individuals are summarized. French General de Gaulle, by his desire to reconquer Indochina as a French colony, was a main force that led to the First Indochina War, in which Bich fought. Ho Chi Minh, founder and leader of the Viet Minh, called for the general uprising---against the French colonists and the Japanese occupiers---to which Bich responded. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt ardent anticolonialism could have prevented the two Indochina wars, and changed the course of history. US President Harry Truman was a reason that the First Indochina War is now called the "French-American" War in Vietnamese literature,[9] and through his support for the French war effort supplied napalm bombs, which Bich mentioned in his 1962 paper. The US funded more than 30% of the war cost in 1952 under US President Eisenhower, and "nearly 80%" in 1954 under Truman.N.fwc

Charles de Gaulle[edit]

Charles de Gaulle in 1942
De Gaulle's ambition to restore French rule over Indochina, 1944

At the beginning of World War II, in his historic four-minute call-to-arms broadcast from London on 1940 June 18, later known as L'Appel du 18 Juin in French history, the mostly then unknownN.cdg1 General de Gaulle counted on the French Empire, with Indochina as the "Pearl of the Empire", rich in rubber, tin, coal, and rice,[10]:28 to provide resources to fight the Axis, with the support of the British Empire and the powerful industry of the United States. Understanding that Indochina was under the menace of occupation by the Japanese, de Gaulle harbored the dream of wresting this colony back into the fold of the French Empire, writing in his memoirs "As I saw her move away into the mist, I swore to myself that I would one day bring her back."[10]:25

Since 1945 March, the month the Japanese toppled the French colonial government in Indochina, de Gaulle had been playing the cold-war card to threaten the Americans that France would fall into the sphere of influence of the USSR if the US did not support France to retake Indochina:

De Gaulle to Caffery, 1945 March
Do you [the US] want us [France] to become... one of the federated states under the Russian aegis? The Russians are advancing apace. . . When Germany falls they will be upon us. If the public here comes to realize that you are against us in Indochina there will be terrific disappointment and nobody knows to what that will lead. We do not want to become Communist; we do not want to fall into the Russian orbit; but I hope that you do not push us into it.
--- De Gaulle to Jefferson Caffery, US Ambassador to France, 1945 March[11]:289
US President Truman and French General de Gaulle, White House, 1945 Aug 12.

"Within two weeks" of the death of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt on 1945 Apr 12, de Gaulle pressured Harry Truman on the Indochina issue, and his government launched "an intensive propaganda effort to mold world opinion in favor of the status quo (French control) in Indochina",[12]:116 and this after having approved the Japanese occupation of Indochina since 1940 September 22.[12]:452 By the time General de GaulleN.cdg2 came to the US in 1945 Aug (inset photo) to campaign for US military aid from then US President Harry Truman, the "French had been forced to drown several Vietnamese uprisings in blood. They had seen the colonial economy completely disrupted. They had been humiliated by the Germans in Europe and incarcerated by the Japanese in Indochina. Even to begin to reassert sovereignty in Indochina, the French were forced to go hat in hand to the Americans (see inset photo, de Gaulle visited Truman), British, and Chinese."[13]:413

To restore French rule over Indochina, on 1945 Jun 7, as Chairman of the French Provisional Government (formed in 1944 Aug after the liberation of Paris), General de Gaulle appointed General Leclerc to establish and to command the French Expeditionary Corps.[14]:321-2 N.laa Even though Eisenhower headquarters recommended against Leclerc’s appointment in favor of General Carpentier, they did not follow up with this objection since the focus was on defeating Japan, but did inform the French that it would take several months to equip the French divisions.[14]:322 De Gaulle also appointed Admiral Thierry d’Argenlieu as High Commissioner of Indochina, the "French Rasputin"[12]:382 N.dar who later played a key role in sowing the seeds of the First Indochina War.

Emperor Bao Dai

De Gaulle was a prime mover leading to the First Indochina War in which the French-educated Bich fought on the Viet Minh side against the French colonialists. On 1945 Aug 20, just ten days before he abdicated on 1945 Aug 30,N.bda Vietnam Emperor Bao Dai sent a moving plea to de Gaulle:N.bdq

Bao Dai to de Gaulle, 1945 Aug 20
I beg you to understand that the only means of safeguarding French interests and the spiritual influence of France in Indochina is to recognize the independence of Vietnam unreservedly and to renounce any idea of reestablishing French sovereignty or rule here in any form. . . . Even if you were to reestablish the French administration here, it would not be obeyed, and each village would be a nest of resistance. . . . We would be able to understand each other so easily and become friends if you would stop hoping to become our masters again.
--- Bao Dai, message to de Gaulle on 1945 Aug 20[15]:xiii–xiv
OSS Maj. Archimedes Patti in Kunming, 1945 May.

Just a few days later on 1945 Aug 26 (or very shortly thereafter), Ho Chi Minh put the resistance in much stronger terms to US OSS Major Archimedes Patti, who still remembered vividly after some 35 years:N.hcm1

Ho Chi Minh to Archimedes Patti, 1945 Aug 26
If the French intended to return to Viet Nam as imperialists to exploit, to maim and kill my people, [I] could assure them and the world that Viet Nam from north to south would be reduced to ashes, even if it meant the life of every man, woman, and child, and that [my] government's policy would be one of scorched earth to the end.
--- Ho Chi Minh to OSS Maj. Archimedes Patti[12]:4

The Southeast Asia and Buddhism expert Paul Mus, who first met Ho Chi Minh in 1945, recounted that Ho Chi Minh said[16] then:N.ytp1

Ho Chi Minh to Paul Mus, 1945
I have no army, no diplomacy, no finances, no industry, no public works. All I have is hatred, and I will not disarm it until I feel I can trust you [the French].
--- Ho Chi Minh, according to Paul Mus, the New York Times 1969 obituary[16]

Paul Mus added "For every time Ho Chi Minh has trusted us, we betrayed him."N.ytp2

Ho Chi Minh[edit]

Ho Chi Minh declaring Vietnam independence 1945 Sep 2.
Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen Giap giving a farewell party to the US Army intelligence DEER team (OSS), 1945.

For thirty years, from 1912 when Ho Chi Minh first visited Boston and New York City until about 1948-1949, Ho held out his hope that the US would provide military support for his anticolonialist resistance against the French.[10]:xxii Since that visit to the US in his early twenties, Ho---like Bich, a Francophile anticolonialist,N.fa2 N.psq3 who was both a communist and a nationalistN.hcn ---developed a "lifelong admiration for Americans".[6]:55 N.haa

Seizing on the opportunity of the Japanese entering Tonkin in 1940 September[12]:452 to begin occupy Indochina (with French agreement)[12]:452 to rid Vietnam of French colonial yoke,N.hir Ho (who was in Liuzhou, China) returned to the China-Vietnam border and began a "training program for cadres".[12]:452 Then on 1941 February 8,[12]:524 Ho crossed the border to enter Vietnam for the first time after 30 years away (from 1911 to 1941), and sheltered in cave Cốc Bó[17]:73 near the Pác Bó hamlet, in the Cao Bằng province, less than a mile from the Chinese border.[10]:34 N.dii There Ho convened a plenum in 1941 May, and founded the Viet Minh, an anticolonialist organization that Bich joined in 1945.N.bvm

On 1941 Sep 8, two months after the total integration of Indochina into the Japanese military system, Ho (still known as Nguyen Ai Quoc at that time) in his call to arm to the people of Tonkin, announced the formation of the Viet Minh to "fight the French and Japanese fascism until the total liberation of Vietnam."[18]:97 On 1941 Oct 25, the Viet Minh published its first manifesto:

Viet Minh first manifesto, 1941 Oct 25
Unification of all social strata, of all revolutionary organizations, of all ethnic minorities. Alliance with all other oppressed peoples of Indochina. Collaboration with all French anti-fascist groups. One goal: the destruction of colonialism and imperialist fascism. N.vmm
Gen. Zhang Fakui (in German) in 1946.

In 1942 August, Ho (named "Nguyen Ai Quoc" at that time) crossed the border into China with the intention of attracting the interest of the Allies in Chungking[12]:7 (now Chongqing) for the Vietnamese resistance movement, arrested by the Chinese on 1942 August 28 for being "French spy",[12]:525 but the real reason was Ho's political activities, viewed as "Communistic", instead of "nationalistic", by the Chinese (Chiang Kai-shek) and the Allies at Chungking (now Chongqing).[18]:103 N.vnh Ho was detained for thirteen months, starting at the Tienpao prison,[12]:51 N.htp moving through eighteen different prisons,[10]:77 N.vnh2 and ending up at Liuchow[12]:46 (now Liuzhou), from where he was released on 1943 September 10, after changing his name from Nguyen Ai Quoc to Ho Chi Minh.[12]:453 At that time, the name "Nguyen Ai Quoc" was very popular, while hardly any one heard of the new name "Ho Chi Minh".N.naq

Ho Chi Minh returned to Vietnam in 1944 September, after obtaining the authorization from the Chinese authority, Gen. Zhang Fakui (in German) (Trương Phát Khuê, in Vietnamese) ---who was under "severe pressure from the Japanese Ichigo offensive" to obtain intelligence in Indochina---and after submitting the "Outline of the Plan for the Activities of Entering Vietnam".[14]:134 N.hvn All three protagonists---the French Vichy colonialists, the Japanese occupiers, and the Viet Minh---were deceived by US war plan,N.uwp and expected a US invasion of Indochina.N.uii Such expectation was the main reason[14]:209 that, in 1945 February-March, during an "unusually cold month of February,"[12]:56 N.cf45 Ho once again crossed back into China, and walked from the Pác Bó hamlet to Kunming to meetN.wtk (and to "make friends with"[14]:210) American OSS and OWI (Office of War Information) officers to exchange intelligence.N.hmo [14]:238 Ho's report to the OSS mentioned the Japanese coup de force on the evening of 1945 March 9.[14]:238

Maj. Gen. Claire Chennault on 1945 Jul 23, four months after he met Ho Chi Minh on 1945 Mar 29.

In Kunming, Ho requested OSS Lt. Charles FennN.fhh to arrange for a meeting with Gen. Claire Chennault, commander of the Flying Tigers.[12]:58 In the meeting that occurred on 1945 Mar 29, Ho requested a portrait of Chennault, who signed across the bottom "Yours sincerely, Claire L. Chennault".[12]:58 Ho displayed the portrait of Chennault, along with those of Lenin and Mao, in his lodging at Tân Trào as "tangible evidence to convince skeptical Vietnamese nationalists that he had American support".[12]:58 As additional evidence, Ho also possessed six brand-new US Colt .45 pistols in original wrappings that he requested and got from Charles Fenn.[19]:79 [20]:158 This "seemingly insignificant quantity" of arms,N.hgp together with "Chennault's autographed photograph" as evidence, convinced other factions of the primacy of the Viet Minh. Ho's American-backing ruse worked.[12]:58

In Cochin China (the south),N.tcc where Bich lived and worked, Tran Van Giau (Trần Văn Giàu in Vietnamese), a Viet Minh leader and "Ho Chi Minh's trusted friend",[12]:186 on 1945 Aug 22 used Ho's ruse of "American backing for the Viet Minh", to convince other pro-Japanese nationalist groups (Phuc Quoc, Dai Viet, United National Front[12]:524) and religious sects (Cao Dai, Hoa Hao) that they would be outlawed by the invading Allies, and thus should accept the leadership of the Viet Minh, which had strong support of "the Allies with arms, equipment and training".[12]:186

Souphanouvong, Ho Chi Minh, Bao Dai, 1945 Sep 4

Fearing a US invasion with the French colonialists helping, the Japanese initiated operation Bright Moon (Meigo sakusen), leading to a coup de force on 1945 March 9 to neutralize the French forces and to remove the French colonial administration in Indochina[21]:65 (and thus the status of Bich's job in the French colonial government). The resulting power vacuum[21]:64 following this coup de force changed the political situation, and provided a favorable setting for the Viet Minh takeover of the government.[21]:73 In 1945 April, Ho walked a perilous journey from Pác Bó to Tân Trào, the Viet Minh headquarters in the Liberated Area. There, on 1945 August 16, Ho called for a general uprising to throw out the Japanese occupiers that ultimately led to the August Revolution.N.pvar

Ho Chi Minh, Leclerc, Sainteny, 1946 Mar 18.

Even though being a son of a Cao Dai pope,[22] [4] [23] N.cd Bich joined the Viet Minh in 1945,N.bjvm instead of the Cao Dai force.

After the August Revolution in 1945, the French began to negotiate their return to Tonkin with both the Viet Minh and the Chinese army coming to disarm the defeated Japanese north of the 16th parallel. Ho Chi Minh was weary of the Chinese, who might stay in Vietnam permanently, signed the March 6 [1946] AccordsN.m6a1 N.m6a3 with Jean Sainteny to agree to let the French army under General Leclerc to enter Tonkin. "With French troops arriving in Hanoi on March 18 [1946], Leclerc quickly established cordial relations with Ho Chi Minh."[24]

CBS reporter David Schoenbrun interviewed Ho Chi Minh on 1946 Sep 11, the same day that a telegram was dispatched from the High Commissioner d'Argenlieu to the French Indochina Committee on the arrest of Bich on 1946 Aug 25.:N.bb

CBS Schoenbrun interviewed Ho Chi Minh, 1946 Sep 11
President Ho, how can you possibly fight a war against the modern French army? You have nothing. You've just told me, what a poor country you are. You don't even have a bank, let alone an army, and guns, and modern weapons, the French planes, tanks, napalm. How can you fight the French?

And he [Ho] said: Oh we have a lot of things that can match the French weapons. Tanks are no good in swamps. And we have swamps in which the French tanks will sink. And we have another secret weapon, it's nationalism. And don't think that a small ragged band cannot fight against a modern army. It will be a war between an elephant and a tiger. If the tiger ever stands still the elephant will crush him and pierce him with his mighty tusks. But the tiger of Indochina is not going to stand still. We're going to hide in our jungles by day and steal out by night. And the tiger will jump on the back of the elephant and tear huge chunks out of his flesh and then jump back into the jungle. And after a while the mighty elephant will bleed to death.

--- CBS reporter David Schoenbrun, Youtube video French involvement in Vietnam & Dien Bien Phu - 1962, time 3:10.[25]

Bich wrote about the French use of American-made napalm bombs; see Section Napalm bombs.

Franklin D. Roosevelt[edit]

If Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) had lived beyond 1945 Apr 12, when he died, he "would have tried to keep France from forcibly reclaiming control of Indochina, and might well have succeeded, thereby changing the flow of history,"[10]:710 meaning the First Indochina War would be avoided; then Bich would not join the Viet Minh to fight the French colonialists.

Well before World War II, FDR had evolved into a committed anti-colonialist, who wanted "complete independence for all or almost all European colonies",[10]:74 as evidenced by his speech in March 1941:

There has never been, there isn't now, and there never will be, any race of people on earth fit to serve as masters over their fellow men.… We believe that any nationality, no matter how small, has the inherent right to its own nationhood.
---Franklin D. Roosevelt, address to White House Correspondents' Association, March 1941.[10]:72
Roosevelt and Churchill, The Atlantic Charter conference, 1941

Roosevelt's anti-colonialist speech was subsequently encoded in the third point of The Atlantic Charter,N.cac which Churchill was reluctant to agree to, worrying that it would affect the British colonies:N.chac

The Atlantic Charter, 1941
Third, theyN.tac respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them;
---Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, The Atlantic Charter, August 14, 1941.[26]
Potsdam Stalin Truman Gromyko Byrnes Molotov 1945 Jul 18

The Atlantic Charter inspired Third-World countries from Algeria to Vietnam in their fight for independence,[26] as Ho Chi Minh often referred to The Atlantic Charter in his letters to US government officials: “the carrying out of the Atlantic and San Francisco Charters implies the eradication of imperialism and all forms of colonial oppression,” wrote Ho Chi Minh to US Secretary of State James F. Byrnes in the Harry S. Truman administration on 1945 Oct 22.[27]:2 N.hac

I AM HERE 24.6.14.

Harry S. Truman[edit]

Potsdam Truman Churchill Stalin 1945 Jul 17


War began[edit]

Resistance[edit]

Cai Rang bridge, Can Tho, 2024. Nguyen Ngoc Bich sabotaged this bridge during the First Indochina War.

After graduating in 1935 from the École nationale des ponts et chaussées, a civil engineering school, Nguyen Ngoc Bich returned home to work as a civil engineer for the colonial government at the Soc-Trang Irrigation Department until the Japanese coup d'état in Viet Nam (1945 Sep 03). Bich then joined the Resistance in the Soc-Trang base area and was appointed Deputy Commander of the Military Zone 9 (vi), established on 1945 Dec 10, and included the provinces of Cần Thơ, Sóc Trăng, Rạch Giá, together with six other provinces. Bich sabotaged many bridges that were notoriously difficult to destroy such as Cai-Rang bridge in Can Tho—where a street was named to honor his feats[28][a]Nhu-Gia Bridge in Soc Trang, etc., blocking the advance of French forces directed by General Valluy and General Nyo, who were under the general command of General Philippe Leclerc, commander of the French Far East Expeditionary Corps (Corps expéditionnaire français en Extrême-Orient, CEFEO).

Between 1946 March 6, when the March 6 Accords were signed,N.m6a3 and 1946 December 19, when most historians used as the date that started the First Indochina War, in Cochinchina, the military situation did not favor the Vietnamese:

Outside Saigon the various nationalist resistance groups, weakened though they were by the months of warfare with the British and French, still controlled large sections of the Cochin Chinese countryside. Ho Chi Minh proposed to General Leclerc the sending of mixed Franco-Vietnamese commissions to establish peace in Cochin China after the signing of the March 6 accord, but the General saw no reason for this in what was supposed to be French territory. When Ho sent his own emissaries to the south, they were arrested by the French who continued to regard Cochin China as a French colony, claiming a free hand there until the referendum could be held. This led to difficult local problems, as in the case of the Vietnamese emissary sent by one Vietnamese zone commander [Nguyen Ngoc Bich] to discuss a cease-fire with the local French commanding officer. The emissary was unceremoniously informed that the French expected complete capitulation—the surrender of arms and prisoners—and that this was an ultimatum. They had until the 31st of March to comply; if they failed to do so, the fighting would begin again. Before the Vietnamese left French headquarters, the French officer took his name and it was soon public knowledge that the French had put a price on his head as well as on that of his commander, Nguyen Ngoc Bich. In this particular region of Cochin China fighting resumed by the end of the month.

— Ellen Hammer (1954), The struggle for Indochina, pp. 157–158.[30]
A Viet-Minh suspect captured by a French-Foreign-Legion patrol in 1954.

Chester L. Cooper was an American diplomat and a key negotiator in many critical agreements in the 1950s and '60s, beginning with his involvement in the Geneva Conference on Indochina in 1954.[31] In his 2005 memoir In the Shadows of History: 50 Years Behind the Scenes of Cold War Diplomacy, "he recounted his association with a constellation of historic figures that included John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Nikita S. Khrushchev and Ho Chi Minh".[31][b] Dr. Cooper[c]—who acquired a deep knowledge of Vietnam history from his years in Asia, from 1941 to 1954, first working for the Office of Strategic Services[d] in China, then for the CIA in 1947, and subsequently became head of the Far East staff of the Office of National Estimates in 1950[32]—devoted some three to four pages to describe Dr. Bich in his Vietnam-history book The Lost Crusade: America in Vietnam, in particular some aspects of Bich's resistance activities:

As commander of the Viet Minh forces in the Delta during the late 40s, Bich became one of the most popular local heroes. During 1946 the Viet Minh hierarchy became concerned that Bich might pose a threat to the aims of the Viet Minh in the southern part of Vietnam, and by the end of that year Ho apparently decided that Bich had served his purpose in the Delta. He was "invited" to move North to become a member of the Viet Minh political and military headquarters in Hanoi. Bich was reluctant to leave his command, not only because of his desire to continue the fight against the French, but also because he felt uneasy about leaving his base of power. Nonetheless, he made his way north via the nationalist underground to Hanoi.

A day or two before Bich was to report to the Viet Minh headquarters, the French discovered his hiding place near Hanoi. Since he was on the French "most wanted" list, he was subjected to an intensive and unpleasant interrogation.[e]

— Chester L. Cooper (1970), The Lost Crusade: America in Vietnam, p. 122.[33]
Vietnamese refugees boarding the US Navy ship LST 516 during Operation Passage to Freedom, October 1954. The cloth banner hung above the ship number 516 reads: "Your Passage to Freedom" with a Vietnamese translation below.

Joseph A. Buttinger was an ardent advocate for refugees of persecution, and a "renowned authority on Vietnam and the American war" in that country.[34] In 1940, he helped founded the International Rescue Committee, "a nonprofit organization aiding refugees of political, religious and racial persecution", and while "working with refugees in Vietnam in the 1950s, he became immersed in the history, culture, and politics of that nation".[34] His scholarship was in high demand during the Vietnam War. The New York Times described his his two-volume Vietnam-history book, Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled,[35][36][f] as "a monumental work" that "marks a strategic breakthrough in the serious study of Vietnamese politics in America" and as "the most thorough, informative and, over all, the most impressive book on Vietnam yet published in America".[34] Joseph Buttinger wrote in Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled, Vol. 2 that Dr. Bich was "the resistance hero" whom "Diem had no success" to convince to join his cabinet:

Diem left Paris for Saigon on June 24, accompanied by his brother Luyen, by Tran Chanh Thanh, and by Nguyen Van Thoai, a relative of the Ngo family and the only prominent exile willing to join Diem's Cabinet. With others, such as the resistance hero Nguyen Ngoc Bich, Diem had no success. He tried unsuccessfully to win Nguyen Manh Ha, a Catholic who had been Ho Chi Minh's first Minister of Economics but who had parted with the Vietminh in December, 1946. These men, and others too, rejected Diem's concept of government, which clearly aimed at a one-man rule. Nor did they share Diem's illusions about the chances of preventing a Geneva settlement favorable to the Vietminh. Diem apparently believed that the National Army, no longer fighting under the French but for an independent government, would quickly become effective and reduce the gains made by the Vietminh.

That Nguyen Ngoc Bich was being hunted by the French colonists was described in Joseph Buttinger's book:

[Note] 9. Miss Hammer cites the case of an emissary sent by Nguyen Ngoc Bich. The French took down his name when he came to their headquarters to negotiate a cease-fire, and "it was soon public knowledge that the French had put a price on his head as well as on that of his commander, Nguyen Ngoc Bich" (ibid., p. 158).

Napalm bombs[edit]

On the French use of American-made napalm bombs, Bich wrote that the Viet Minh stopped following the advice of Chinese tacticians in launching large-scale mass attacks once many of their soldiers died by French napalm bombs. They switched from the costlier manufacturing of arms to the less expensive manufacturing of hand grenades, which can be used against light battalions to seize their arms.[2]

National Assembly[edit]

Prison and exile[edit]

Second Indochina War[edit]

Publications[edit]

  • Nguyen-Ngoc-Bich (March 1962), "Vietnam—An Independent Viewpoint", The China Quarterly, 9, retrieved 18 Feb 2023, pp. 105–111. See also the contents of Volume 9, which included the articles of many experts on Vietnam history and politics such as Bernard B. Fall, Hoang Van Chi, Phillipe Devillers (see, e.g., his classic 1952 book Histoire du Viet-Nam in Section References and French French Cochinchina, Ref. 42), P. J. Honey, Gérard Tongas (see, e.g, J'ai vécu dans l'Enfer Communiste au Nord Viet-Nam, Debresse, Paris, 1961, reviewed] by P. J. Honey), among others.

Notes[edit]

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NEW Notes not yet reorganized[edit]

  • (↑ N.bvm) Bich Viet Minh: That Bich joined the Viet Minh in 1945 was mentioned in a French PhD dissertation with page image provided in Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911-1966): A Biography.[8]

  • (↑ N.m6a1, N.m6a2, N.m6a3) March 6 Accords: Point 1 of the March 6 Accords stipulated that the French government recorgnized the Republic of Vietnam as a "Free state" within the French Union, and regarding Cochinchina, a referendum would be organized to unify the three regions of Vietnam, and the French government would ratify the decisions of the voting population ("Le Gouvernement français reconnait la République du Viêt-Nam comme un État libre ayant son governement, son parlement, son armée et ses finances, faisant partie de la Fédération Indochinoise et de l'Union Française. En ce qui concerne la réunion des trois 'Ky', le gouvernement Français s'engage à entériner les décisions prises par la population consultée par référendum").[18]:225

  • (↑ N.dar) D'Argenlieu recalled: D'Argenlieu was recalled back to France because of the intense dislike that he caused among the Vietnamese and among the Socialists and Communists in France,[12]:394 who gave him the nickname "The Bloody Monk,"[10]:163 who was "widely believed to have sparked the war with his aggressive actions in 1946, in clear violation of the March 6 Accords [1946] and without informing Paris, [by recognizing] the autonomous 'Republic of Cochin China' in the name of France."[10]:137,180,189 Such recognition went against the stipulation of a referendum for the unification of the three regions ("Kỳ", i.e., Cochinchina, Annam, Tonkin) in the March 6 Accords.N.m6a2 D'Argenlieu was also known as the "abomination of Vietnam,"[12]:394 whom Bao Dai was averse to have any dealings with.

  • (↑ N.laa) Leclerc accepted assignment: Devillers (1952) wrote that Leclerc accepted his assignment on 1945 May 22 to command two French divisions placed under the general command of American forces in the Pacific ("Dès lors, c’est à obtenir la participation française à cet assaut que Paris voue ses efforts. Le 26 mai, le Gouvernement français offre à Washington de mettre à la disposition du Commandement américain dans le Pacifique un Corps d'Armée à deux divisions. Le general Leclerc, chef de la prestigieuse 2ème Division Blindée, le vainqueur de Koufra, de Paris, de Strasbourg et de Berchtesgaden, le plus connu et le plus populaire des chefs militaires français, a accepté le 22 mai d’en prendre le commandement.").

  • (↑ N.hac) Ho and Atlantic Charter: In his letter to the US Chairman of Foreign Affairs Association, Ho referred to the Atlantic Charter several times, twice on Page 1 alone: (1) " As a signatory power of the Atlantic and San-Francisco Charters, the United States of America have to be well informed on the real state of affairs", (2) "These principles of international justice and equality of status have been clearly expressed and solemnly proclaimed in point 3 and 4N.p4a of the Atlantic Charter and subsequently reiterated in the San Francisco Charter".[39]

  • (↑ N.p4a) Atlantic Charter, Point 4: "Fourth; they will endeavor, with due respect to their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all states, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity;"N.cac2

  • (↑ N.cd) Cao Dai: "Appealing largely to the uneducated and essentially superstitious masses, the Cao Dai mushroomed in size to over five hundred thousand by 1930, giving the French authorities cause for concern. A schism took place in 1933 when Pham Cong Tac, one of the original founders, organized a secret sect known as Pham Mon to exploit political objectives. With the death of Pope Le Van Trung in 1936, Tac seized control of the temple at Tay Ninh and proclaimed himself 'interim Pope.' From this point on the Cao Dai split into several distinct sects but retained in all of them a rigid rightist political philosophy, conservative in nature and vehemently anticommunist and promonarchical."[12]:501 [14]:97
At first, the French colonialists tolerated the Cao Dai, prefering religious sects over Communists, allowing it to be practiced in Cochinchina (south Vietnam), but not in Annam (central Vietnam) and Tonkin (north Vietnam).[14]:98 "In 1940-41, the French altitude changed in Cochinchina loo, since it was realized that the new religion had turned into a pro-Japanese force.[40]:252 Citing messages from above, Caodaist priests predicted the certain victory of the Axis."[14]:98
In the Spring of 1941, the Caodaistes found themselves in serious difficulty with the French administration, and sought help and protection from the Japanese, who were not in a position to provide. As a result, the Caodaistes were crushed by the French, with Cao Dai leaders sent into exile. By December of 1941, the "famed" Kempeitai, the Japanese political police modeled after the Gestapo, came to Indochina, and provided help and protection to the Caodaistes and other nationalist factions.[18]:89-90 (In Devillers (1952)[18]:90, "Kempeitai" was translated into French as "Gendarmerie" and "police politique", whereas in Patti (1980)[12]:41, "kempeitai" was translated as "security police".)
After the Japanese coup de force on 1945 Mar 9, being pro-Japanese,[12]:76 [14]:103,373 the Cao Dai sect along with other pro-Japanese groupsN.atr in the United National Front (Mặt Trận Quốc Gia Thống Nhứt),[12]:524 established on 1945 Aug 14,[12]:554 were convinced by Tran Van Giau, a Viet Minh leader in Cochinchina---and later "a prominent Vietnamese historian who organized the 1945 revolution in Saigon and the whole of Cochinchina (Nam Ky)"[14]:21---that they all would be "outlawed"[12]:186 by the invading Allied, agreed to an alliance under the leadership of the Viet Minh.[41] [12]:524
After the Japanese officially surrendered on 1945 Sep 2, the same day that Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam Independence, General Leclerc (on 1945 Oct 5)[12]:454 and the French 5th Régiment d'Infanterie Colonial (RIC,[12]:xv Colonial Infantry Regiment, on 1945 Oct 3)[12]:454 were brought back to Cochinchina with the help of the British. The advance units of British troops, the 20th Indian Division, and of the French 5th RIC were flown into Saigon on 1945 Sep 12.[12]:455
"The contentious character of the nationalist movement in the south facilitated Leclerc's 'pacification campaign' at the end of 1945 and the beginning of 1946. He took on the armies of the Hoa Hao, the Cao Dai, and the Viet Minh one after the other. At first, he seemed to score a resounding military success. Many Caodaists rallied to the French. By March, Leclerc estimated that his troops controlled, not just the cities, but also 80 percent of the villages. Politically, however, France had confronted and alienated much of the population, and when the Viet Minh reorganized its forces and started to cooperate more systematically with the religious sects, guerrilla activity resurfaced in most of the areas the French thought they had pacified."[15]:74
On 1946 Apr 10, Nguyen Binh, the equivalent of Vo Nguyen Giap in the south,[15]:75 formed the Unified National Front (Mặt Trận Quốc Gia Liên Hiệp, "Front National Unifié"),[18]:253 composed of the Cao Dai and the same former pro-Japanese groups that were in the United National Front, established less than one year before on 1945 Aug 14, as mentioned above.
The side switching of these groups prompted Ho Chi Minh to describe the pro-Japanese politicians as "weathercocks who were pro-French yesterday, pro-Jap today, and pro someone else tomorrow."[14]:105

  • (↑ N.atr) Alliance transposition: A surprising alliance transposition happened, with rightist resistance fighters turned to the Japanese (just like the French turned to the British), whereas the leftist resistance fighters turned to China and America (just like the French turned to the USSR) ["On pent ainsi, et bien que de tels rapprochements soient très arbitraires, exprimer en termes européens la situation indochinoise : contre l'impérialisme présent (qui est ici la France), les « résistants » de droite (Caodaistes, Hoa Hao, Phuc Quoc, etc.) regardent vers le Japon (comme les nôtres vers les Anglo-Saxons), tandis que les « résistants » de gauche se tournent vers la Chine et l'Amérique, comme les nôtres le faisaient vers l'U.R.S.S. La transposition étonne, mais elle est, à notre avis, exacte."][18]:99

  • (↑ N.chac) Churchill, Atlantic Charter: "Both Churchill and many members of his Cabinet were alarmed by the third point of the Charter, which mentions the rights of all peoples to choose their own government. Churchill was concerned that this clause acknowledged the right of colonial subjects to agitate for decolonization, including those in Great Britain’s empire." Churchill wanted to "bind the United States closer to Great Britain," warned his cabinet on 1941 Aug 11 "that it would be “imprudent” to raise unnecessary difficulties. The Cabinet followed Churchill’s recommendation and approved the Charter."[26]

  • (↑ N.tac) "They" in Atlantic Charter: "They" here means FDR and Churchill and their respective governments.[26]

Notes reorganized[edit]

  • (↑ N.bdq) Bao Dai quote: In the foreword by Devillers for Tønnesson's 2010 book Vietnam 1946.[15]:xiii-xiv

  • (↑ N.bs) Betrayal suspicion: On the betrayal suspicion, Chester Cooper wrote in 1970:[3]:123 "Whether the Viet Minh had actually betrayed him to French agents is not known for certain, but Bich always suspected that this was how he had been discovered," whereas the assertion that Bich "was betrayed by his Communist colleagues to the French" was written in the short biography that accompanied Bich's 1962 article, in Honey, P.J., ed. (March 1962), "Special Issue on Vietnam", The China Quarterly, 9, retrieved 18 Feb 2023. Volume 9. See the Note on The China Quarterly.

  • (↑ N.bb) Bich biography: See primary sources and extensive quotations from secondary sources (history books and articles) in Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911–1966): A Biography.[8]

  • (↑ N.bi) Bich's injury: A photo showing the injury mark on the forefront of Dr. Bich as a result of this "intensive and unpleasant interrogation" can be found in Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911–1966): A Biography.[8]

  • (↑ N.bjvm) Bich joined Viet Minh: See the quotation from a French doctoral thesis in Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911–1966): A Biography.[8]

  • (↑ N.cf45) Cold February 1945: It has never been that cold. The temperature went down to four degrees Celcius at noon in Hanoi on 1945 Feb 13, Tết, new year day, Lunar year Ất-Dậu ("13-2-1945, Tết Nguyên Đán Ất-Dậu. Chưa bao giờ rét như thế này. Tại Hà Nội, buổi trưa, hàn thử biểu xuống tới 4 độ"[42]:3).

  • (↑ N.cdg1, N.cdg2) De Gaulle: The permanent undersecretary at the British Foreign Office knew only that de Gaulle had a 'head like a pineapple and hips like a woman's', whereas the counselor at the US embassy in Paris and most of de Gaulle compatriots never heard of him.[10]:24 By Aug 1946, de Gaulle had resigned from the presidency of the French Provisional Government on 1946 Jan 20.[43]

  • (↑ N.dii) Devillers incorrect info: Devillers (1952) received incorrect information that Ho was in "Tsin Tsi" (Jingxi, Guangxi, China) as he wrote:[18]:97 "En mai 1941, il réussit à convoquer à Tsin Tsi dans le Kwang Si, à 100 km environ au Nord de Cao Bang, un 'Congrès' (In May 1941, he succeeded in calling for a plenum at Jingxi in the Guangxi province, about 100 km north of the Cao Bang province)."

  • (↑ N.fhh) Fenn helped Ho: OSS Lt. Charles Fenn helped "make Ho Chi Minh the undisputed leader of the Viet Minh in 1945".[20]:96

  • (↑ N.fa1, N.fa2) Francophile anticolonialists: "French teachings and models over Confucian ones. Some of these teachings were, to say the least, unhelpful to the colonial enterprise. Voltaire's condemnation of tyranny, Rousseau's embrace of popular sovereignty, and Victor Hugo's advocacy of liberty and defense of workers' uprisings turned some Vietnamese into that curious creature found also elsewhere in the empire: the Francophile anticolonialist."[10]:9

  • (↑ N.fwc) French-war cost: PBS US Involvement in Vietnam Video time 0:11 to 0:32:[44] "In 1952, General Dwight Eisenhower was elected President, in part because he promised to take a tougher stance on communism. That year, American taxpayers were footing more than 30% of the bill for the French war in Vietnam (also called the "French-American" war[9]). Within two years, that number would rise to nearly 80%." To be more precise, the "U.S. aid to the French military effort mounted from $130 million in 1950 to $800 million in 1953."[45]:597 The "United States became France's largest patron, ultimately funding 78 percent of the French war effort in Indochina,"reported historian L.H.T. Nguyen based on the Vietnamese document "Tong ket cuoc khang chien chong thuc dan Phap," Hanoi: Chinh Tri Quoc Gia, 1996.[11]:46

  • (↑ N.hcm1) HCM quote1: From 1945 Aug 26 to 1980, when Patti published his book.[12]:4

  • (↑ N.haa) Ho admires Americans: As cited in Logevall (2012),[10]:721 Note 22, p. 721: "Former New York Times Saigon correspondent A. J. Langguth, in his fine history of the American war, refers to Ho Chi Minh's 'lifelong admiration for Americans.' "[6]:55

  • (↑ N.hcn) Ho, communist or nationalist? "For many decades there would be a heated debate among diplomats, politicians and political scientists in every corner of the world as to whether Ho Chi Minh was a communist or a nationalist. The answer is that he was both."[14]:120

  • (↑ N.hgp) Ho gave pistols: That Ho gave the new pistols to his rivals, but not to his own people, testified to his political acumen in rallying his rivals to accept him as the top leader.[46]

  • (↑ N.htp) Ho in Tienpao prison: Tienpao in the Wade-Giles transliteration is Tianbao in pinyin. See the analysis in Notes on Vietnam History.[46]

  • (↑ N.hvn) Ho in Vietnam 1944: A French report at that time stated: "more than 200 political refugees had passed from China to Tonkin, most of them armed with pistols and daggers (poiguards), and that among them was a certain 'Nguyen Hai Quoc', who had crossed the border under the name of 'Ho Chi Minh'. Nguyen Hai Quoc, a man 'around sixty years old', was 'the probable leader' of the Viet Minh: 'Under Nguyen Hai Quoc's leadership, the new elements coming from Kwangsi have undertaken to reawaken the movement and bring back to their former activities the implacables who had taken refuge in the mountains.' "[14]:118, 208

  • (↑ N.hir) Ho's insight for revolution: Ho was convinced that with the Japanese occupation of Indochina and "with international events moving fast and Decoux's government isolated from metropolitan France, the potential for revolution in Vietnam was much enhanced."[10]

  • (↑ N.naq) Nguyen Ai Quoc: Hoang Quoc Viet recounted in his 1981 interview with the PBS: "I was sent to the southern part of the country at one point to discuss things with our comrades there. The discussion was very heated and it was very difficult to iron things out. Then I happened to mention the name Ho Chi Minh. These people in the south asked me who Ho Chi Minh was. I told them that he was Nguyen Ai Quoc. They all stood up and clapped and said that as I was a representative sent by Ho Chi Minh then there was no need for any further discussion. This was because at that time there was a feud going on between the so called "Old Viet Minhs" and "New Viet Minhs". But when they heard from me that Ho Chi Minh was indeed Nguyen Ai Quoc, they were all overjoyed, saying that if Nguyen Ai Quoc had returned home to lead the movement then everything would be solved, that there should be unity and solidarity."

  • (↑ N.vnh, N.vnh2) Notes on Vietnam history: See quotations in Notes on Vietnam history.[46]

  • (↑ N.pvar) Power vacuum to August Revolution: "In August and September 1945, the white-bearded Ho Chi Minh emerged as the winner of the Indochina game. ... He expected an Allied invasion and prepared himself for assisting the invading forces. Instead he got a power vacuum and a sudden Japanese surrender. This provided him with an occasion more favorable for bloodless revolution than he could ever have imagined. He then proclaimed the republic that would later defeat both France and the United States."[21]:73

  • (↑ N.psq1, N.psq2, N.psq3) Primary sources, quotations: See primary sources, extensive notes and quotations in Nguyen Ngoc Bich (1911–1966): A Biography[8] and Notes on Vietnam History.[46]

  • (↑ N.tcc) Taberd Cochin China: Jean-Louis Taberd was likely among the first to explain the meaning of "Cochin China" in his 1837 scientific article; see quotation in Notes on Vietnam History.[46]

  • (↑ N.uii) US invasion of Indochina: The US was the only country among the Allies (British and Chinese) that could invade Indochina; see Chap. 4, Colliding Plans, in Tønnesson (1991).[14]:156

  • (↑ N.uwp) US war plan: "... to confuse the Japanese, possibly the French as well, concerning US intentions. Perhaps Roosevelt meant the plan seriously at first, and then changed it into a deceptive operation when he realized that it could not be carried out ... Indochina came to play a similar role in Roosevelt's war against Japan as Norway occupied in Churchill's war against Germany. For a long time, Churchill toyed with the idea of a Norwegian landing as a way of securing the transport route to Russia and bringing Sweden into the war. Then, when his generals and admirals adamantly refused to carry out the project, Norway instead became the focus of elaborate deception and diversion plans, aiming at inducing Hitler to keep as many troops as possible in an irrelevant theatre."[14]:170, 220

  • (↑ N.vmm) Viet Minh manifesto: "Union de toutes les couches sociales, de toutes les organisations révolutionnaires, de toutes les minorités ethniques. Alliance avec tous les autres peuples opprimés de l'Indochine. Collaboration avec tous les élements antifascistes français. Un but: la destruction du colonialisme et de l'impérialisme fascistes."[18]:97

  • (↑ N.wtk) Walking to Kunming: It takes about two weeks to walk from Pác Bó to Kunming using likely the same road (among several others) undertaken by the invading Mongols in the thirteen century.[47]

  • (↑ N.ytp1, N.ytp2) Year of the Pig: In his interview in the 1968 documentary In the Year of the Pig, at the Youtube video time 13:56, Paul Mus recounted: "Ho Chi Minh said [in 1945], 'I have no army.' That's not true now [in 1968]. 'I have no army.' 1945. 'I have no finance. I have no diplomacy. I have no public instruction. I have just hatred and I will not disarm it until you give me confidence in you.' Now this is the thing on which I would insist because it's still alive in his memory, as in mine. For every time Ho Chi Minh has trusted us, we betrayed him."

References[edit]

Marr 1984[13], Marr 2013[48], Ho 1945[27]

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External links[edit]


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